India’s Tightrope: Welcoming Putin While Courting the United States

When Vladimir Putin arrives in New Delhi, India will give him a state-level welcome reserved for a long-standing strategic partner. At the same time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is working to deepen ties with another major power: the United States. That dual approach captures New Delhi’s current balancing act — preserving defence and energy ties with Moscow while pursuing technology, trade and investment agreements with Washington.

Why both relationships matter

Russia remains an important supplier of military hardware to India and a source of discounted oil that helped fuel the country’s rapid growth after Western sanctions on Moscow. Moscow also plays a balancing role in India’s neighbourhood: it is close to Beijing, which supplies weapons to Pakistan, India’s long-standing rival.

At the same time, the United States is an increasingly important partner on technology, supply chains, intelligence sharing and trade. New Delhi wants closer economic ties with Washington, and Indian officials are negotiating a trade agreement that New Delhi hopes will ease recent frictions.

Recent pressure and concessions

New Delhi has felt direct economic pressure from the United States. In August, the Trump administration imposed steep tariffs on a range of Indian goods, citing trade imbalances and India’s continued purchases of discounted Russian crude. Subsequent U.S. sanctions on Russian oil companies further complicated India’s energy imports, prompting Indian refiners to scale back purchases of Russian crude.

To reassure Washington, India has reduced some Russian oil purchases and agreed to buy 2.2 million metric tons of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) from U.S. suppliers. New Delhi also recently agreed to a 10-year framework with the U.S. to deepen industrial collaboration, technology cooperation and intelligence sharing.

Defence ties with Moscow remain strong

Despite these economic and diplomatic concessions, defence cooperation with Russia remains central to India’s security planning. Moscow is still India’s largest military supplier, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), and much of India’s air force inventory — notably the Sukhoi Su-30 fleet — is Russian-made.

Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said bilateral talks may include discussion of a potential sale of Russia’s advanced Su-57 fighter. New Delhi views continued access to Russian platforms and spares as crucial for deterring threats from both Pakistan and China.

Strategic hedging and domestic pressures

Analysts characterise India’s approach as diplomatic hedging: by maintaining working relationships with both Moscow and Washington, New Delhi preserves strategic options and bargaining room. “It’s a sign that India is willing to stick with the Russians,” says Kanti Bajpai, visiting professor of international relations at Ashoka University. “Apart from the oil and the arms, it’s diplomatic hedging — showing Beijing and Washington that Delhi has a third option.”

Observers in India stress domestic imperatives as well. “We have hundreds of millions of poor people. We need to raise them above the poverty line… to deal with that, India needs to maintain a decent working relationship with all great powers,” says Nandan Unnikrishnan, distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi.

What’s at stake

New Delhi’s balancing act will be closely watched in Washington. With a trade deal still under negotiation and major defence contracts on the table during Putin’s visit, any move perceived as tilting decisively toward Moscow could complicate progress with the United States. “India will have to be careful to that extent, particularly since the bilateral trade deal has not been arrived at,” Unnikrishnan warns.

For now, India appears committed to keeping both relationships active — leveraging its market and strategic location to retain diplomatic flexibility while managing the competing demands of great-power politics.