How Joesley Batista — A Controversial Brazilian Meat Tycoon — Became A Broker In Regional Diplomacy

As six international carriers suspended flights to Venezuela amid fears of potential US military action, an ultra‑long‑haul executive jet from São Paulo touched down in Caracas without incident on 23 November. On board was Joesley Batista, the Brazilian meat magnate who has been jailed in relation to corruption investigations and whose companies have long faced environmental allegations.

Batista met Venezuela’s president, Nicolás Maduro, then returned to Brazil the following day. According to sources, Batista’s stated objective during the Caracas meeting was to persuade Maduro to step down — a mission that appears to have failed, as Maduro remains in power and tensions with the US have since intensified, including the seizure of an oil tanker off Venezuela’s coast and expanded US sanctions.

From Businessman To Diplomatic Intermediary

Batista’s visit to Caracas is striking not because he met a foreign leader, but because it highlights how influential corporate figures can operate as informal intermediaries in high‑stakes geopolitics. Several sources credit Batista as a central figure in the recent thaw between Donald Trump and Brazil’s president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

For months, Brazilian diplomats and senior officials struggled to obtain traction in Washington after the US imposed an extra 50% tariff on some Brazilian imports amid accusations of political reprisals relating to events in Brasília. Business leaders — including Batista — lobbied the US administration to lift those measures. One participant in those talks described Batista as the driving force behind the effort.

"I’m doing myself a disservice saying this, because I worked really hard to bring those tariffs down, but it was 99% Batista," a business leader involved in the lobbying told reporters.

While several executives secured meetings with senior White House aides, Batista is reported to have met at least once with President Trump. He argued that the tariffs were harming US consumers and warned they were bolstering Lula’s domestic standing — potentially helping Lula’s electoral prospects. In November, following direct exchanges between Trump and Lula, the US removed most of the additional tariffs, including those affecting beef, a core product of Batista’s business interests.

Political Ties and Past Deals

Batista and his family control JBS, the world’s largest meatpacker. The company and its executives have long been subject to scrutiny: police investigations exposed that state loans enabling rapid expansion were obtained amid sprawling bribery schemes, and JBS has faced fines and allegations over purchasing cattle linked to illegal deforestation.

In 2015 Batista agreed to a reported $2.1bn deal to supply roughly half of Venezuela’s beef consumption. Because Caracas could not provide a bank guarantee, Batista accepted verbal assurances and additional payments purportedly meant to offset elevated risk; the contract later collapsed following repeated Venezuelan payment defaults. Still, Batista’s commercial presence helped him cultivate relationships with influential Venezuelan figures, including Diosdado Cabello, who has been described as Maduro’s second‑in‑command. In 2015 Batista hosted Cabello during a Brazil visit that included meetings with then‑president Dilma Rousseff.

One of JBS’s US units, Pilgrim’s Pride, was the single largest donor to Trump’s 2023 inaugural committee, contributing $5 million — a fact cited by observers seeking to explain Batista’s access to US officials.

Reputation, Return, And Political Brokerage

Joesley and his brother Wesley were imprisoned and temporarily removed from company management after corruption revelations, but they were released and later returned to corporate boards. Since then they have been re‑establishing political ties, including appearing at public events with President Lula.

Critics and diplomats view Batista’s actions skeptically. Retired ambassador Rubens Barbosa, who served as Brazil’s representative in London and Washington, said Batista appears to be "acting solely in defence of his own interests" while effectively functioning as Lula’s "chief broker on international affairs."

"You no longer see diplomats in these conversations, only businesspeople. This is becoming normal," Barbosa said, framing the episode as part of a wider shift in how international influence is exercised.

Raquel Landim, a journalist who has written about the Batista brothers, similarly suggested that Batista’s network and transactional approach have allowed him to gain unusual access to powerful figures in Brazil, the US and Venezuela.

What This Means

Batista’s Caracas trip and his role in lobbying efforts to lift tariffs illustrate two parallel trends: the growing influence of powerful corporate actors on international affairs, and the blurred lines between private interest and public diplomacy. Whether Batista was primarily motivated by national aims, corporate profit, or both, his actions underscore how modern diplomacy increasingly involves non‑state intermediaries with deep business ties.

Batista did not respond to requests for comment for this story.