The author revisits his Occupy-era position and argues against demonizing success and property rights. He warns that the rise of democratic socialism and class-based rhetoric — exemplified by public figures and policies like wealth taxes and rent freezes — risks driving capital and opportunity away. Drawing a historical parallel to expropriation in 'Dr. Zhivago,' he contends that framing politics as exploiters versus victims undermines the American experiment. He concludes by defending the freedom to strive and the rule of law as essential to prosperity.
Why I Still Stand With the 1 Percent — A Defense of Success, Property Rights, and the American Dream
AP
Fifteen years ago, amid the upheaval of Occupy Wall Street, I wrote a column urging readers: 'Don't be afraid to say it: “We are the 1 percent.”' I wasn't wealthy then and I'm not wealthy now. I described driving an aging Ford Windstar, raising three children in a century-old house with faulty wiring, and worrying about how retirement would ever be possible.
But I also saw something many Americans feel intuitively: when a nation begins to split itself along class lines, it is already drifting toward breakdown. Just as decent citizens must oppose racism and antisemitism, we should resist a narrative that demonizes success itself. When achievement is treated as proof of exploitation, envy becomes a political instrument — and history shows where that road ends.
The Rise of Class-Based Politics
For years, warnings that elements of the Democratic coalition were moving toward democratic socialism were dismissed as alarmism. Yet today, prominent figures openly identify with democratic socialism and reject the existence of billionaires. Bernie Sanders built presidential campaigns centered on resentment toward millionaires and billionaires. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has helped make skepticism of capitalism fashionable among younger progressives. 'Eat the rich' has migrated from the margins into broader cultural discourse.
At the same time, policies once considered radical — wealth taxes, government-run industries, large-scale student debt transfers, rent freezes, expanded federal dependency, and targeted levies on wealthy neighborhoods — are gaining traction inside mainstream politics. This is no longer traditional liberalism; this is class politics, and class politics needs villains.
Why That Matters
Where does that rhetoric lead? Consider the scene in 'Dr. Zhivago' where Yuri returns to his family's elegant Moscow home to find it expropriated and parceled out. That is the warning: class warfare is not just a slogan; it is a formula for economic and social decline.
Imagine a city that treats investment and success as social problems and taxes high-end real estate or imposes punitive measures on wealthy neighborhoods. Productive people and capital are mobile. If investment dries up and executives depart, middle- and lower-income residents can suffer when jobs and services follow the money out of town.
'We are going to take it back from the corporations that seek profit no matter the cost, from the billionaires for whom greed is the point, and from corrupt politicians like Susan Collins.'
That language, used recently by a Democratic Senate candidate in Maine, echoes Occupy Wall Street: 'We can have an economy and a government that works for the 99% and not just the 1%.' Rhetoric that frames politics as exploiters versus the exploited simplifies complex policy debates into moralistic conflict — and it risks policy responses that undermine growth and opportunity.
Most Americans still value capitalism, property rights, and upward mobility. The American experiment was built on equality before the law and the freedom to try, not equality of outcome. The moment we permanently divide citizens into oppressors and victims, we risk becoming a nation of competing grievances rather than a republic of equals.
That is why, fifteen years after my first column, I continue to stand with the 1 percent — not to celebrate extreme wealth in the abstract, but to defend the principles that enable opportunity, investment, and upward mobility for everyone.
About the author: Frank Miele is a retired editor of the Daily Inter Lake in Kalispell, Mont., and a columnist for RealClearPolitics. His book, 'The Media Matrix: What If Everything You Know Is Fake,' is available from major retailers. He publishes at HeartlandDiaryUSA and maintains a presence on social platforms.
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