Over 300 Agribusiness Lobbyists at COP30 in the Amazon — Investigation Says Industry Is Co-opting Climate Talks

Investigation finds hundreds of agribusiness lobbyists at COP30 in Belém

An investigation by DeSmog and The Guardian has identified 302 delegates linked to large agribusiness interests among the UNFCCC provisional list of roughly 56,000 COP30 participants in Belém, Brazil. That number represents a 14% increase from last year and is larger than Canada’s official delegation of 220 people. The tally includes representatives from meat and dairy companies, agrochemical and fertiliser producers, commodity traders, food processors, grocery retailers and biofuels firms.

Who attended and why it matters

One in four of these agribusiness-linked delegates (77) were listed as members of national delegations, and six had privileged access to formal negotiations — the spaces where countries negotiate rules and commitments to limit global warming. Within the group, meat and dairy interests accounted for 72 delegates, agrochemical firms 60 and biofuels 38 (a reported 138% rise from last year). Major firms named in the investigation include JBS, Bayer and Nestlé.

Agriculture is responsible for roughly a quarter to a third of global greenhouse gas emissions, and experts warn that without radical changes to food production and consumption the goals of the 2015 Paris Agreement will be far harder to achieve. Cattle ranching is the leading direct cause of deforestation in the Amazon, followed by industrial soy grown primarily for animal feed. Scientists warn that water stress, land clearance and climate disruption could push large swathes of the Amazon toward a tipping point by 2050.

More than 300 agribusiness lobbyists occupy the space at COP30 that should belong to the forest peoples. While they talk about energy transition, they release oil into the Amazon basin and privatize rivers like the Tapajós for soy. For us, this is not development, it is violence.

Industry influence and emissions

Friends of the Earth US analysis cited by the investigation finds the emissions of the 45 largest meat and dairy companies are comparable to a major oil producer. JBS — estimated to account for about 24% of the sector's emissions — had eight delegates at COP30, including its CEO. Agrochemical giant Bayer registered 19 attendees and Nestlé had nine. Most synthetic fertilisers are derived from fossil fuels and generate nitrous oxide, a greenhouse gas roughly 300 times more powerful than CO2; agriculture is the main driver of nitrous oxide emissions globally.

Campaigners and civil-society figures argue that the presence of so many industry representatives risks shaping outcomes on biofuels, climate finance and food systems in ways that protect corporate interests. For example, biofuel policy matters because many biofuels derive from crops such as corn and soy that can drive deforestation; Brazil is pushing measures to substantially increase biofuel use.

These findings are proof that industrial agriculture has been allowed to co-opt the climate convention. COP will never deliver real climate action as long as industry lobbyists are allowed to influence governments and negotiators.

Responses and context

Companies named in the report provided brief statements. A Bayer spokesperson said the company has been transparent about its COP engagement and supports actions to avert the climate crisis. JBS said it focuses on increasing farm productivity, improving food-system efficiency and reducing food loss and waste. Several other organisations named in the investigation did not respond to requests for comment.

Participation by industrial agriculture at COP30 is up 71% compared with COP27 in Sharm el-Sheikh but remains lower than the record attendance at COP28 in Dubai. Observers and campaigners are calling for stricter rules on corporate access to climate negotiations and clearer safeguards to ensure that public interest — including Indigenous rights and forest protection — is prioritised over private profit.

Methodology note: The investigation used the UNFCCC provisional delegate list and cross-checked registrants against company records, trade associations and known lobbying histories to identify delegates linked to large agricultural interests.