The Kremlin has begun targeting high‑profile pro‑war online figures who once enjoyed influence and rewards. Roman Alekhin and other milbloggers have been branded “foreign agents,” labelled extremists or detained amid allegations including misuse of donations and criticism of commanders. Analysts say this reflects a narrowing of tolerated criticism, growing rivalries between loyalist propagandists and grassroots Z‑bloggers, and a wider clampdown on social media and repressive laws. The moves signal shifting red lines and reduced space for independent wartime reporting in Russia.
Kremlin Turns on Its Own: Pro‑War Bloggers Branded 'Foreign Agents' and Detained
The Kremlin has begun targeting high‑profile pro‑war online figures who once enjoyed influence and rewards. Roman Alekhin and other milbloggers have been branded “foreign agents,” labelled extremists or detained amid allegations including misuse of donations and criticism of commanders. Analysts say this reflects a narrowing of tolerated criticism, growing rivalries between loyalist propagandists and grassroots Z‑bloggers, and a wider clampdown on social media and repressive laws. The moves signal shifting red lines and reduced space for independent wartime reporting in Russia.

Kremlin Turns on Its Own: Pro‑War Bloggers Branded 'Foreign Agents' and Detained
Roman Alekhin built a high‑profile pro‑war Telegram channel, advised a regional governor and received military honours for his actions in Ukraine. He became a prominent example of so‑called Z‑bloggers — militant social‑media correspondents who loudly backed Vladimir Putin’s invasion.
Then the state added him to the list of “foreign agents.” The rapid reversal in Alekhin’s fortunes has sent shock waves through an online community that for nearly four years was apparently permitted to criticise how the war was conducted, even as open anti‑war dissent was suppressed.
From Reward to Reprisal
Where once ultranationalist military bloggers seemed to be rewarded with cash, status and influence, analysts now say the Kremlin’s tolerance has waned. Accused of misusing donations after posting photos of an expensive sports car and watch, Alekhin is not the only pro‑war figure to face state action.
Other notable cases include:
- Sergey Markov — a former pro‑Kremlin commentator placed on the foreign‑agent register in August after voicing support for Azerbaijan during a diplomatic rift with Moscow.
- Tatyana Montyan — a former Ukrainian lawyer turned Russian propagandist added in October to a list of “terrorists and extremists” over alleged misuse of funds raised for the front.
- Oksana Kobeleva — the founder of a prominent pro‑war Telegram channel detained by anti‑extremism police after criticising Chechen commander Apti Alaudinov.
All four deny wrongdoing. Taken together, the cases suggest a shift from purging explicit dissent to penalising erstwhile supporters who publicise inconvenient facts or cross newly drawn red lines.
Why the Z‑bloggers Matter — and Why They Worry the Kremlin
Z‑bloggers often have close ties to the armed forces. They help mobilise public support and donations for the front, providing a significant cash flow and grassroots messaging that can complement state propaganda. But they also influence public opinion independently and sometimes publish accounts of battlefield events at odds with official narratives.
Keir Giles, senior Russia analyst at Chatham House, said the Z‑blogosphere was long treated as a safety valve for grievances that did not directly challenge the political system; that avenue now appears to be closing.
For instance, after Operation Spiderweb — a daring June strike using truck‑transported drones against air bases inside Russia — state media minimised damage, while milbloggers posted footage of destroyed aircraft and blamed leadership for failures to protect key assets.
Rivalries, Red Lines and a Narrowing Space
Analysts describe two competing online factions: established loyalist propagandists who adhere strictly to the Kremlin line and a growing grassroots Z‑blogger movement that often defends frontline soldiers and criticises tactical failures. The loyalist camp, represented by figures such as state‑TV host Vladimir Solovyov, accuses critics of undermining the war and calls for harsh penalties.
Dr Martin Laryš of Prague’s Institute of International Relations says the camps increasingly attack one another, competing for influence and resources — a dynamic that, together with tougher legal and platform controls, is shrinking the manoeuvring room for critical voices. Tatiana Stanovaya of the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Centre warns that the foreign‑agents law has been broadened and can now be applied widely, carrying severe professional and social consequences.
Broader Implications
Authorities have also stepped up control of social platforms, having already blocked Facebook, Instagram and X and moved to constrain WhatsApp and Telegram. The internet in Russia is now more heavily censored and monitored, limiting independent information flows and civic organising.
Vladimir Kara‑Murza, a British‑Russian opposition activist once jailed for criticising the war, warned that repression tends to expand — first targeting political opponents, then devouring supporters — and cautioned that the pattern recalls earlier periods of Soviet repression.
The targeting of prominent pro‑war bloggers signals a recalibration of power and red lines inside Russia: those who once enjoyed influence and rewards now face legal stigma, detention and reputational damage as the Kremlin tightens control over information and dissent.
