Why More White Clergy Are Running as Democrats — Faith, Backlash to Christian Nationalism, and Reaching Working‑Class Voters

White clergy enter Democratic politics: faith, conviction and a strategic shift

Justin Douglas grew up on a farm in Indiana, the son of a factory worker and the eldest of five. A Liberty University alumnus who once wore a T‑shirt opposing Democratic candidate John Kerry, Douglas is now running for Congress as a Democrat — one of roughly 30 white Christian clergy being discussed as potential Democratic candidates for next year’s midterms, and about a dozen already in races.

These pastors, seminary students and faith leaders emphasize the separation of church and state but say their faith personally compels them into politics. Many want to broaden the Democratic brand beyond urban, college‑educated voters and reconnect with white working‑class churchgoers.

Faith as a motive, not just partisanship

"We’ve seen Democrats repeatedly abandon working‑class people and too often come off as liberal elites who look down on those for whom attending church matters," Douglas said. "But the idea that Republicans are the only party that stands for faith is nonsense. We’ve watched an administration misuse faith rhetorically in ways that should alarm every evangelical."

"But I also think the stereotypes of Republicans being pro‑faith are bullshit too." — Justin Douglas

Douglas’ experience is personal: as a pastor he welcomed LGBTQ+ people into full participation in his congregation. That stance cost him his ministerial license in 2019, forced him out of his home, and left him juggling multiple jobs before founding a new church. "I paid the price for standing with LGBTQ+ people. I would do it again," he said.

Historical context: the long realignment

For much of the 20th century, many white Christians were not strictly partisan and often voted Democratic — especially in the South. But beginning in the late 1960s and 1970s, the Democratic Party’s embrace of civil rights, feminism and secular liberalism alienated many white conservative Christians. Conservative leaders, including Jerry Falwell, mobilized around issues such as abortion and opposition to federal interventions, helping to forge the religious right and shifting many white evangelicals toward the Republican Party.

By the late 1980s, white evangelicals had become a reliably Republican voting bloc, a pattern that persisted into the Trump era. Where Jimmy Carter won roughly 60% of white evangelical voters in 1976, Hillary Clinton carried only about 16% in 2016 — a stark realignment that concerned progressive religious organizers.

A new response after 2016

Groups such as Vote Common Good say Trump’s presidency left many people of faith feeling politically homeless. Vote Common Good and other groups have worked to connect religious voters to Democratic candidates; the organization plans to engage faith communities in dozens of congressional districts this year.

Doug Pagitt, Vote Common Good’s executive director, noted that Trump’s 2016 victory prompted clergy who had long avoided explicit partisanship to consider running for office themselves. "After 2016 and 2018, a whole lot of people started thinking: 'Maybe running for office is something we should actually do,'" Pagitt said.

Notable candidates and motivations

Examples of clergy running as Democrats include:

• Justin Douglas — county commissioner in Pennsylvania challenging Republican Scott Perry.
• James Talarico — a Texas state representative and part‑time seminary student using scripture to advocate for the poor and criticize Christian nationalism.
• Sarah Trone Garriott — an Evangelical Lutheran pastor in Iowa pursuing a congressional bid.
• Robb Ryerse — a former Republican pastor in Arkansas running with the slogan "Faith, Family & Freedom," arguing that Trump and Christian nationalist leaders have harmed both church and country.

Ryerse summarized the motivation succinctly: many clergy feel their churches have been "duped" by political leaders and are stepping in to be part of the solution rather than waiting for others to act.

What this could mean

The rise of white clergy running as Democrats signals an attempt to reclaim religious language and moral argumentation from the political right. Organizers hope it will help Democrats connect with faith‑oriented, white working‑class voters without abandoning commitments to inclusion, social justice and the separation of church and state.

Whether this movement will shift electoral outcomes remains uncertain, but it has already changed the conversation within both faith communities and party politics by demonstrating that religious conviction can motivate a broad spectrum of political engagement.

Sources and context: Interviews with candidates and organizers; historical voting trends; reporting on Vote Common Good’s outreach and Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) data on evangelical voting patterns.